康熙身邊的洋顧問

加拿大安大略省筆譯口譯協(xié)會(huì)（atio）認(rèn)證翻譯、加拿大認(rèn)證esl老師、留學(xué)申請(qǐng)顧問。

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耶穌會(huì)（Society of Jesus）是天主教修會(huì)之一，由西班牙貴族依納爵·羅耀拉于1534年在巴黎創(chuàng)立，1540年獲教皇保羅三世正式批準(zhǔn)。其主要特點(diǎn)包括--軍事化組織、注重教育與學(xué)術(shù)、靈活傳教策略等。從1552（明朝）年開始，耶穌會(huì)就嘗試在中國傳教，通過利瑪竇等人的努力，如參與繪制《坤輿萬國全圖》，參與修訂《崇禎歷書》（湯若望），為清朝鑄造火炮（南懷仁），終于在康熙朝站穩(wěn)了腳跟。

康熙本人對(duì)知識(shí)有強(qiáng)烈好奇心，他跟隨耶穌會(huì)士南懷仁（Ferdinand Verbiest）、徐日升（Tomé Pereira）、張誠（Jean-Fran?ois Gerbillon）、白晉（Joachim Bouvet）、湯若望（Adam Schall von Bell）系統(tǒng)學(xué)習(xí)了數(shù)學(xué)、天文學(xué)、醫(yī)學(xué)、地理學(xué)、音樂甚至哲學(xué)。他極度重視西方歷法和火炮技術(shù)，深知西方天文學(xué)的精確性對(duì)王朝統(tǒng)治的合法性至關(guān)重要。在平定三藩之亂和準(zhǔn)噶爾叛亂時(shí)，西洋火炮就發(fā)揮了關(guān)鍵作用。他還讓傳教士進(jìn)行全國地圖測(cè)繪，繪制了當(dāng)時(shí)世界領(lǐng)先的《皇輿全覽圖》。南懷仁、張誠等耶穌會(huì)士不僅學(xué)識(shí)淵博，而且忠誠地為皇帝服務(wù)，甚至在外交談判（如《尼布楚條約》）中擔(dān)任譯員和顧問。

利瑪竇等人之所以能在明朝立足，就是兩個(gè)字“靈活”。他們采取了一種“文化適應(yīng)”策略，比如尊重中國文化，允許中國教徒祭祖、祭孔，將這些行為解釋為世俗的、非宗教的孝道和敬意的表現(xiàn)，而非偶像崇拜；又比如他們用儒家經(jīng)典中的“上帝”、“天”來翻譯天主教的“God”，力求在教義上找到共通點(diǎn)，這些所謂“利瑪竇規(guī)矩“（Ricci's Chinese Rites）成為康熙允許其活動(dòng)的基礎(chǔ)。康熙認(rèn)為，只要傳教士遵守“利瑪竇規(guī)矩”，安分守己，傳播一些有用的知識(shí)，那么他們就是無害的，甚至是有益的。

明清兩季，在中國傳教的，不止耶穌會(huì)，還有道明會(huì)（Dominicans）、方濟(jì)各會(huì)（Franciscans），他們對(duì)于耶穌會(huì)的成功是心懷妒忌的，強(qiáng)烈反對(duì)“利瑪竇規(guī)矩”，并不斷向羅馬教廷申訴。最終，教皇克雷芒十一世于1704年和1715年兩次頒布法令，明確禁止中國教徒進(jìn)行祭祖、祭孔儀式，并否定了“上帝”、“天”的譯名。這場(chǎng)天主教內(nèi)部的矛盾終于溢出，激怒了康熙，變成了“禮儀之爭“。康熙認(rèn)為，祭祖祭孔是中國的核心禮俗，教皇作為一個(gè)“外人”，無權(quán)對(duì)中國內(nèi)部事務(wù)指手畫腳。他認(rèn)為是耶穌會(huì)士最初同意了“利瑪竇規(guī)矩”，現(xiàn)在教廷出爾反爾，他視此為對(duì)其君主權(quán)威的公開挑戰(zhàn)。康熙采取了逐步強(qiáng)硬的措施，1706年下令，所有在華傳教士必須向朝廷宣誓，遵守“利瑪竇規(guī)矩”，并領(lǐng)取“印票”（居留許可證）方可傳教，拒絕者一律驅(qū)逐出境。康熙還多次接見教廷特使，試圖說明中國禮儀的世俗性質(zhì)，但對(duì)方態(tài)度強(qiáng)硬。1720年，教皇第二次派特使來華重申禁令，康熙在奏折上朱批：“以后不必西洋人在中國行教，禁止可也，免得多事。”這標(biāo)志著官方政策的徹底轉(zhuǎn)向。

如果說康熙對(duì)于傳教的態(tài)度還是逐漸強(qiáng)硬的話，那么到了雍乾時(shí)代，大清面對(duì)的就是一個(gè)已經(jīng)被定性為“不馴服且具有潛在顛覆性”的宗教團(tuán)體，他們從王朝安全和社會(huì)穩(wěn)定的角度出發(fā)，自然采取了比康熙晚年更為嚴(yán)厲和徹底的禁教政策。天主教強(qiáng)調(diào)"上帝高于一切"，要求信徒絕對(duì)服從教皇，這與清朝"朕即天下"的皇權(quán)觀念產(chǎn)生根本對(duì)立。雍正曾直言："信徒只知聽從教皇，豈非視朕為外人？“同時(shí)，清朝以儒家思想為統(tǒng)治根基，而天主教教義與理學(xué)綱常存在矛盾。雍正指出："若天下人皆從西洋之教，則綱常倫理何以存續(xù)？"。另外，耶穌會(huì)士參與清朝輿圖測(cè)繪、火炮制造等機(jī)密事務(wù)，引發(fā)統(tǒng)治者對(duì)情報(bào)泄露的警惕。清廷自視為"天朝上國"，將西洋學(xué)說視為"異端小技"，雖然欣賞耶穌會(huì)士的歷算、繪畫才能，但始終堅(jiān)持"西學(xué)中源"論。

如果僅僅是上述文化、傳統(tǒng)方面的原因，清廷的反應(yīng)還不至于如此大動(dòng)干戈，關(guān)鍵是歐洲殖民勢(shì)力彼時(shí)在亞洲的擴(kuò)張（如葡萄牙占澳門、西班牙侵菲律賓）令清廷警覺。乾隆時(shí)期馬戛爾尼使團(tuán)來華后，清廷對(duì)西方滲透的戒心進(jìn)一步加強(qiáng)。

內(nèi)外的呼應(yīng)也讓清廷寢食難安，比如國內(nèi)的教徒拒絕參與地方祭祀活動(dòng)，造成與傳統(tǒng)社群的對(duì)立。乾隆年間多次出現(xiàn)教民與鄉(xiāng)紳的激烈沖突。又如秘密教會(huì)（如白蓮教）活動(dòng)使清廷對(duì)任何非官方組織都高度敏感。宗室蘇努家族皈依天主教，涉及皇權(quán)斗爭，加速禁教政策出臺(tái)（雍正朝蘇努案）；教士私下繪制中國地圖被告發(fā)，引發(fā)全國性清查（乾隆朝德天賜案）。

這些因素疊加在一起，讓雍正在1724年將天主教定為"邪教"，乾隆則通過《大清律例》進(jìn)一步法制化。反過來，羅馬教廷的反制措施也火上澆油，1742年本篤十四世頒布《自上主圣意》，徹底禁止中國禮儀，又促使乾隆采取更強(qiáng)硬措施。

與此同時(shí)，耶穌會(huì)在歐洲也遭受重大打擊。葡萄牙首相龐巴爾侯爵將1755年里斯本大地震歸咎于耶穌會(huì)，并指責(zé)耶穌會(huì)在南美洲殖民地（特別是巴拉圭）的傳教區(qū)形成了“國中之國”，損害了王室利益。隨后，法國、西班牙也加入到打擊耶穌會(huì)的行列中來，在各國君主的巨大壓力下，教會(huì)被迫犧牲耶穌會(huì)以自保。教皇克雷芒十四世于1773年頒布教皇通諭《主的牧羊人》，正式解散耶穌會(huì)。耶穌會(huì)成為非法組織，其成員被囚禁、被迫還俗或流亡。只有在非天主教的俄羅斯和普魯士，由于葉卡捷琳娜大帝和腓特烈二世拒絕公布教皇命令，耶穌會(huì)得以幸存并繼續(xù)活動(dòng)。拿破侖倒臺(tái)后，教皇庇護(hù)七世為重振天主教會(huì)，1814年正式恢復(fù)了耶穌會(huì)。至今，耶穌會(huì)仍是世界上規(guī)模最大、影響力最廣的男性修會(huì)之一。

上面的背景知識(shí)有了之后，我們來讀一段我從China Trade Porcelain一書中節(jié)選的內(nèi)容。括號(hào)中的洋人名是這些耶穌會(huì)修士的中文名，起中文名也是其文化適應(yīng)策略的一部分。

The Jesuit Missions at the height of their power

Louis XIV, the most powerful King, in Europe, encouraged and protected the missions, realizing that the Jesuits were men of high intelligence and outstanding culture who could do far more for the glory of France than any number of armies. One of them, a Belgian called Father Verbiest（南懷仁）, was given the position of President of the Tribunal of Observatories of the Imperial Heavens. He was commanded by K'ang Hsi （康熙）to make cannons of various sizes for the defence of Peking, and received protection in exchange far stronger than that conferred by the new religion. The number of converts at that time was about 300,000. Another Jesuit, Adam Schall von Bell（湯若望）, reformed the calendar … K'ang Hsi himself was a great litterateur, and treated the missionaries as honoured guests. Gerbillon （張誠）became his Professor of Mathematics, while Bouvet introduced him to Western philosophy. Some of the fathers were entrusted with diplomatic missions, even to negotiating advantageous treaties with the Tsar, Peter the Great. This was the moment of the Jesuits' greatest influence in China. K'ang Hsi issued a decree in I692 giving them permission to preach the gospel all over China, for, although he would not abandon Confucius, he could afford to look favourably on a cult whose ministers were so useful.

Jesuit Influence on the Arts

The Jesuits hadsomeinfluenceonthearts, andpainters such as Gherardini （瞿良士）and Belleville lived at Peking in the Imperial Palace where they painted portraits and decorations, in spite of the wide aesthetic gulf between thetwocivilisations. The Chinese had been astounded by the first pictures and prints from Europe. “Can it be true that Europeans have one side of the face black?” was thereaction tochiaroscuro. Perspective was also condemned. In China painting was like "poetry without words” and even Ricci（利瑪竇）, who was fascinated by porcelain, hadnothingbutscornfortheirmetaphysical representationof nature. One ofthemostextraordinary men among this company of Jesuits was Father Castiglione（郎世寧）, who founded a school of painting in theclassic Chinese manner, working in conjunction withthe studios of Ching-te Chen. He was helped by the painter, Jean-Denis Attiret（王志誠）, and together they contributed much to the development of European subjects.It was he who drew the plans of the Yuan Ming Yu?n(Old Summer Palace)for Ch'ien Lung（乾隆）. It was to be a Chinese Versailles, 25 kilometres from Peking. Father Benoist （蔣友仁）builtthehydraulicworks, andthefamousmachine of Val Saint Pierre worked the fountains which so astonished the Imperial Court. Father Amiot（錢德明） made a fine clock especially for the Emperor, and Brother Thibault（張誠） fascinated the Court with his clockwork birds and animals.

Suppression of the Jesuits

The enviable position of the Jesuits at Court could hardly fail to rouse the envy of other religious orders. Ricci and his neophytes had always shown tolerance towards Chinese traditions, especially towards their rites and ancestor-worship. This was enough for the Franciscans （方濟(jì)各會(huì)）and Dominicans（道明會(huì)） to accuse the Jesuits of idolatry. There were immediate repercussions and the mendicant friars were driven from Peking. They took their grievance to Rome, where the argument grew to immense proportions. Thoroughly misinformed, Pope Clement IX sided with the friars, disowning the Jesuit missionaries in I7I0.K'ang Hsi responded by banishing the religious orders from China altogether, and towards the end of his reign Christianity was forbidden by decree. Some missionaries remained at the Court, longer in positions of confidence, but as painters, architects, clock-makers, and machine-minders. During the reigns of Yung Cheng(雍正) and Ch'ien Lung the persecution increased, churches were closed and the monks killed or thrown into prison, except for some of the Jesuit fathers living in Peking. The order suppressing the Jesuits, signed by Pope Clement XIV under pressure from France, Spain and Portugal was made on 21st July 1773, and was a disaster for the Church in China and for Christianity itself. No other foreign mission ever attained the privileged position of the early Fathers, or was ever allowed to approach the emperor.

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